Green advocacy group says $171,999 pro-carbon tax ad campaign “not partisan”

First published at True North on October 18, 2019.

The commissioner of Canada’s elections won’t “speculate” as to whether a six-figure sum spent advertising pro-carbon tax messages to Canadians violates the new third party rules, True North has learned. 

Canadians for Clean Prosperity, a green energy advocacy group, has put $171,999 into Facebook advertising since June, urging Canadians to vote against political parties opposed to a carbon tax. Its posts also make clear that the Conservative Party of Canada is the only one of the four major parties against a carbon tax.

Facebook’s new ad registry contains 1,012 separate advertisements from Clean Prosperity’s Fair Path Forward page. Most of the advertising ceased in early September, though $151 was spent promoting ‘get out the vote’ posts between Oct. 9 and Oct. 15, the registry shows.

Neither Canadians for Clean Prosperity nor Fair Path Forward is registered with Elections Canada as a third party, a requirement for organizations or individuals that spend more than $500 engaging in partisan activities, election surveys, partisan advertising or election advertising.

Clean Prosperity’s executive director says the organization’s activities fall outside of the third party legislation.

“Clean Prosperity and Fair Path Forward both did not register with Elections Canada, as the content of our ads is not partisan,” Michael Bernstein said in an email to True North. “Our ads, which you can see in the Facebook Ads library, have been focused on issues – namely carbon taxes and climate change. The only ads we’ve run since the writ dropped are about the importance of considering the environment when voting.”

Elections Canada’s website says “organic social media campaigns” can count as partisan activity.

“An activity promotes or opposes a political entity by naming it, using the party’s logo or showing a photograph of the candidate, for example. In some situations, even without directly referring to a party or a candidate, an activity could be perceived as partisan,” the website says.

“Issue advertising” – defined by Elections Canada as “advertising that takes a position on an issue that is clearly associated with a candidate or party, without referring to the party, candidate or other actor” – is regulated in the election period, but not the pre-election period, which spanned from June 30 until the day before the writs were issued.

The bulk of Fair Path Forward’s online advertising appeared during the pre-election period. While most of the ads are generic in nature, asking voters to think of the planet when casting their ballots or questioning “why…there are still some politicians against putting a price on carbon pollution,” others specifically reference the Conservatives.

In June, Fair Path Forward advertised a post linking to a Toronto Star op-ed saying “Andrew Scheer’s climate plan will be less efficient and more expensive.”

In July, the page advertised a CBC article about a Clean Prosperity report that took aim at the Conservative party’s climate plan.

Clean Prosperity published a press release in September, titled “Conservative Party releases highly deceptive ad about the carbon tax and rebate.”

In the release, which was picked up by numerous news organizations, Clean Prosperity doesn’t just criticize the Conservative position on the carbon tax, but quotes Bernstein as accusing the CPC of “fake facts” and deception.

“Using fake facts to attack climate policies is not much better than climate denial,” Bernstein says in the release. “I would encourage the Conservative Party of Canada to take down this deceptive and misleading ad, and instead focus their energy on improving their own climate plan.”

Bernstein, who is one of the two spokespeople for the Fair Path Forward campaign, also praised the Liberals in a separate statement published the same day as the one about the Conservative carbon tax ad.

“The Liberal Party of Canada’s announcement that they intend to reach a net-zero emissions economy by 2050 is a big deal,” he wrote. “For the first time in Canada, we now have a climate target from one of the two leading parties that, if met, would ensure we’re doing our part to avoid the worst impacts of climate change.”

In the statement he urged the “Conservatives to revisit their climate plan,” citing Clean Prosperity’s July report accusing the Conservative climate plan of leading to increased emissions and added costs.

That 15-page report, co-authored by Bernstein, focuses exclusively only the Conservative Party of Canada’s “A Real Plan to Protect Our Environment” policy paper. Clean Prosperity did not publish any similar reviews of any other party’s plan.

If the Conservatives don’t comply, Bernstein says “voters should take that into account when deciding who they’re going to support in October’s election.”

These are “quotes supporting the carbon tax and/or increased climate ambition, including correcting the record on a misleading statement about the carbon tax,” Bernstein told True North. “They are issue-based stances, not partisan ones.”

Bernstein published an op-ed in the National Observer on Oct. 11, grading the various political parties’ plans to cut carbon pollution. The Conservatives came out on bottom with a D score, while the Liberals and NDP were tied in first place with their respective B grades. (The Green party came in third with a B-).

An Elections Canada spokesperson declined to comment on whether Fair Path Forward and Clean Prosperity are in violation of the third party rules, simply stating that “any individual or organization that incurs more than $500 in expenses on regulated activities must register as a third party with Elections Canada.”

The $500 doesn’t just apply to advertising, but all expenses supporting the legislation’s four regulated activities.

The Office of the Commissioner of Canada Elections declined to address the legality of Clean Prosperity’s activities.

“Our office doesn’t speculate about the legality of a particular issue,” a spokesperson said in an email. “It may also be useful to know that the Act does not regulate the content of advertising, except in very limited circumstances.”

The spokesperson reiterated the requirement for organizations spending more than $500 to register with Elections Canada as a third party.

Clean Prosperity’s board chair and founder, Greg Kiessling, has a long history of political contributions, in particular to the Liberals.

Elections Canada’s donor database shows that Kiessling has given to the Liberal, NDP, Green and Conservative parties. In 2016 and 2017 he contributed a combined $1775.00 to Michael Chong’s leadership campaign. (Chong was the only Conservative leadership candidate supporting a carbon tax). He also gave the Conservative Party of Canada $629.00 in 2016.

Since 2014, however, Kiessling has donated $6798.27 to the Liberals, the database shows. He also made a $5000.00 contribution to Stephane Dion’s leadership campaign in 2006. His most recent donation was $1600 – the legal maximum – to the Liberals in May of this year.

Bernstein does not appear in Elections Canada’s donor database, though someone with the same name has made several donations to the Conservatives.

Salim Mansur’s battle against Islamism

First published at True North on October 16, 2019.

There’s no such thing as a simple answer when it comes to Salim Mansur.

The academic and journalist-turned-political candidate wants every question and every issue raised to be understood in what he says is the “necessary context.”

It makes for long conversations, though no doubt thoughtful ones.

Mansur is the People’s Party of Canada candidate in London North Centre, one of the highest profile and most vaunted candidates of Maxime Bernier’s fledgling populist party. Though this wasn’t the path Mansur had envisioned for himself even four months ago.

In June, Mansur was nine months into a campaign for the Conservative Party of Canada’s nomination in the same riding when he received a terse email from the party’s executive director notifying him his candidacy had been “disallowed.” No reasons were provided, though Mansur told me in a later interview that the Conservative campaign manager, Hamish Marshall, had told him there were concerns his past writings on Islam would be slammed in the media as “Islamophobic.”

Instead, the Conservatives acclaimed Sarah Bokhari, a Muslim woman from outside London, as their candidate.

It would seem like a blow against racism to replace a so-called “Islamophobic” candidate with a Muslim one, except there’s one problem. Mansur is, himself, a Muslim as well. His decades of writings and public statements have been in opposition to Islamism, not Islam itself.

The disqualification from the Conservative party and subsequent PPC candidacy is the latest iteration of a battle Mansur has been waging for decades. Or as he describes it, one being waged against him.

I’ve known Mansur for several years, meeting him first when I was a student at the University of Western Ontario, from which he retired last year. Though I was never in one of his classes, I sought him out because of my familiarity with his work. When I launched the podcast that ultimately led to my career in radio, he was its first guest.

He’s always been a fearless and credible commentator on immigration and multiculturalism, even when I’ve disagreed with his conclusions. This is why I was happy to assist him, as a friend, not in my capacity with True North, when he launched his nomination campaign. In the interests of disclosure, I’ve had no role in his PPC campaign, nor any other campaigns during the election period, but I consider Mansur a friend and a great Canadian.

I conducted a series of interviews with Mansur for this article both on the phone and in his downtown London campaign office.


Just over a month after being disqualified by the Conservative Party of Canada, Salim Mansur received a standing ovation when he was announced as the People’s Party of Canada candidate by Maxime Bernier himself in a London hotel conference room.

“We in the People’s party with Maxime Bernier are the only people in Canada, at this time in our history endangered by globalism and Islamism, fully prepared to engage in a national conversation on the subject,” Mansur said in his nomination speech.

Though this wasn’t always his position. Just three months prior, he published a video on YouTube entitled “The Conservative Party Stands Up For Canada.”

In it, Mansur makes the pitch that the Conservatives are not only the best choice for Canadians to defeat Justin Trudeau, but the only choice.

“I am confident the Conservative party under Andrew Scheer’s leadership understands the threats confronting Canadians, and has the resolve to counter them,” Mansur says before listing numerous sources of “pride” for him in the CPC platform, from fiscal management to tackling mass migration to standing up for freedom of speech.

“Let me remind you that since the act of Confederation in 1867 there are only two parties that have governed Canada: the Conservative party and the Liberal party,” he says. “That is not about to change, and any change that goes to weaken and divide the Conservative party can and only will benefit the Liberal party.”

Despite the apparent contradiction in these two speeches, Mansur explains it with his own take on Ronald Reagan’s famous quip that he never left the Democratic party, but rather it left him.

“I didn’t leave the Conservative Party of Canada,” Mansur says. “It was the Conservative party that kicked me out.”

The party has never provided any details officially about why Mansur was disqualified, though in a televised London North Centre debate, Sarah Bokhari, the Conservative candidate, said “Mr. Mansur was disqualified by the Conservative party because he’s been saying some questionable things for the ethnic communities.”

Mansur, who’s devoted his career to combatting radical Islam within small corners of the Muslim community and the western world more broadly, says his expulsion from the race is evidence of an Islamist infiltration into the political system.

“The word given to me for why I would not be the candidate is because I’m Islamophobic, Mansur says. “So from there you can draw the inferences that the leadership is bent upon appeasing the very people who for 20 years have been hounding me, which is the Muslim Brotherhood…. It is very clear to me that the party didn’t want me because then I would be, in a sense, the point man taking on the Muslim Brotherhood. But the party doesn’t want to discuss that.”

“The party is in full mode of appeasing the Muslim Brotherhood,” Mansur charges. “The four establishment parties – Liberal, Conservative, the NDP and the Green – are in full appeasement of the Islamists in the country. Except for PPC.”

Without any official statement from the Conservative Party of Canada, it’s difficult to accept or dispute Mansur’s interpretation of things. It’s well documented that the Muslim Brotherhood’s legitimate-seeming organizations in Canada and the United States have no doubt been embraced in the political process. However, it’s also plausible that the Conservative leadership, wishing to run a safe, centrist campaign, simply wanted to avoid a candidate who would obviously force the Conservatives to take a stand on the issue of Islamism.

It’s a necessary discussion in Canada, though clearly not an easy one.

Though Mansur’s critics may characterize him as being on the fringes, that simply isn’t accurate. His books on multiculturalism and Islamic reformation have been widely cited by academics and politicians. He was frequently called upon by the previous Conservative government to testify before various parliamentary committees.

Less than two years ago, Mansur was given an award on the Senate floor by Conservative senator Linda Frum, recognizing him for his work to promote interfaith dialogue between Jews and Muslims.

Mansur’s Conservative nomination campaign was endorsed by a long list of prominent Conservatives, including former national campaign manager Tom Flanagan and former member of parliament Diane Ablonczy.

This support shouldn’t surprise anyone given how long Mansur has been involved in Conservative politics.

In his first two elections as a Canadian citizen, he voted for Pierre Trudeau’s Liberals. But in 1984, he cast a ballot for Brian Mulroney. Since then, he’s been a stalwart rightward voter, even joining the Progressive Conservatives in 1988 before aligning with Preston Manning’s burgeoning Reform movement.

“I voted Liberal, but things changed,” he says. “My thinking changed. My understanding changed.”

Mulroney’s support for free trade was what initially galvanized Mansur’s support of the PCs, though it was Manning’s interest in Mansur’s writing on multiculturalism that sparked a friendship between the two. This eventually led to Mansur running for the Canadian Alliance in 2000, then supporting the campaign that brought the Alliance and Progressive Conservatives together as the Conservative Party of Canada in 2003.


Mansur was born in Calcutta in 1951, just a few years after the Indian partition created the Muslim-dominated state of Pakistan. It was tensions from that partition that led to the Indo-Pakistani War of 1971 that would threaten Mansur’s life. This not only triggered his move to Canada, but also shaped his outlook on the clash between liberty and the radicals seeking to upend it.

“In my teenage years, I lived through horrendous military dictatorship that turned into a genocide,” Mansur says. “To me this was not an abstract question sitting in some academic library and writing about it. This was a real question…. We are so privileged in Canada. We are so privileged in the United States. For children growing up here, all of this is abstract. The real concern is about people being able to live their life as God has given them the right to live their life – according to their choices, according to the values they treasure, according to the tradition that they want to defend.”

Those rights have been under “systematic attack” throughout the 20th century, Mansur says, whether it was communist China, the Soviet Union, or Arab dictatorships in Africa and the Middle East.

“We have repeatedly seen war – genocide. I spoke about that, and wrote about that having experienced it,” he says.

Mansur breaks away to talk about the work of political philosophers John Milton, John Locke and Bertrand Russell – authors he began reading as a teenager even before coming to Canada.

“I read them with the lived experience,” he says. “I didn’t read them as an academic or an undergraduate or graduate student in a classroom with professors. I read them as I was going through the experience. I was reading Russell when I was in my teenage years, seeing what was happening with the massacres taking place, and the repression taking place. I, too, was under repression. My friends were killed. My family members were attacked. I was attacked. I survived, somehow.”

Members of his immediate family were killed, however. He ultimately came to Canada in 1974 as a war refugee, sponsored by an aunt who was living here. The dire situation in his native land got his refugee file accelerated.

That slaughter has a death toll of as many as three million people – making it one of the most deadly conflicts of the 20th century, sandwiched between the Holocaust and the massacre at the hands of Pol Pot and the Khmer Rouge in Cambodia.

“It was Islamists,” Mansur says. “I came to Canada. I went to university. I did all of that. And then, suddenly, I see the very people who had brought the disaster in the part of the world from where I fled were now ensconced right here in Canada. So I started talking about it. I started writing about it.”

As the Taliban in Afghanistan was gaining steam in the 1990s, Mansur was, as an academic and a journalist, closely monitoring the impact on south Asia. Afghanistan became the nesting ground for al Qaeda, birthing the 9/11 attacks.

Mansur understood Muslims needed to be the most prominent voices criticizing terrorism. He was shocked when people in the mosques would tell him to keep quiet.

“People came around and said, ‘Hey, you shouldn’t talk about this,’” Mansur says. “Especially the pro-Pakistani mosques, because of the Pakistani connection to Saudi Arabia…. These people in the mosque were basically fundamentalists – those who wanted to hold onto or take back the country as the Taliban was doing with Sharia law.”

While Sharia law is a well-known concept now, at the time it was just the subject of internal discussions amongst Muslims, Mansur says.

“I was opposed to that, but I was in the mosque, I would go to the mosque, I would engage with people, but they told me to stand down or cool down.”

Then came September 11.


You often hear people described as 9/11 conservatives – liberals who moved to the right when they saw the threat of Islamic terror. Mansur was a 9/11 pariah – a Muslim who realized the complacency, or in some rare cases complicity, of western Muslims in the radical Islamist current sweeping the world.

When Mansur ran for the Canadian Alliance a year prior, he found a great deal of support from the Muslim community. Many were conservatives; others knew and supported him as a friend; some were just eager to see Muslim voices represented in Parliament.

“Looking back, it was as if on a dime the world changed. On September 11, 2001, everything changed,” Mansur says. “It pushed me out of the (Muslim) community here in London.”

The more radical-minded Islamists within the Muslim community wanted an insular, exclusive society with their own laws and their own values.

“I was on the other side,” Mansur says, explaining how he felt – and still feels – people should engrain themselves in Canadian society.

“I’m a Muslim, but I’m reconciled with the modern world. In fact, that is the critical split inside the Muslim world – those who want to bring the Muslim world of the 13th century into the 21st century, and those who want to build a democratic society. That’s what I was trying to make these people understand. Their children are going to grow up as Canadians. Islam is their personal faith, but they have to be part of the Canadian society.”

The pushback from the Muslim community got so strong that Mansur, who is still a devout and observant Muslim, had to withdraw from the local mosque. It was either that or shut up about radicalism, though Mansur says the latter was never an option.

“To me it was a responsibility to warn my fellow Canadians that this is now the problems of the Middle East and the problems of the third world coming right into our society,” he says. “How are we going to confront this?”

Confronting this evil has come at a cost, however. Mansur has faced death threats, not to mention threats to his livelihood by activists insisting on de-platforming him.

In 2006, Mohamed Elmasry of the now-defunct Canadian Islamic Congress sent a formal complaint to the University of Western Ontario accusing Mansur of “hate-literature” and demanding the administration “instruct” him “to refrain immediately from promoting himself and his opinion columns through by (sic) associating them, in print or broadcast media, with one of Canada’s great universities.”

The school, to its credit, did not buckle. Two years later, Elmasry sent another complaint to Western, calling Mansur an “embarrassment” to the university and urging the school to investigate his “classroom approach and research methods.”

As taxing as the ongoing opposition is, Mansur says it’s only strengthened what he sees as a moral obligation to speak up about freedom and the fight to preserve it.

“It became the very principle upon which I stake my own philosophy,” he says. “My anchor – my worldview – is of freedom.”

For the last 30 years, he saw that anchor as having a foothold in the Conservative party, which he always understood to be rooted in the classical liberal tradition, even with the oft-cited big tent coalition of red Tories, blue Tories, libertarians and social conservatives.

Mansur says blue Tories like him are being forced out.


It’s easy to be skeptical of this claim given that Scheer himself comes from the blue Tory side of the conservative movement, having worked in both the Reform and Canadian Alliance parties before being elected as a Conservative member of parliament in 2004.

Scheer is also a social conservative, albeit one who’s worked to mute the pro-life presence in the Conservative caucus and slate of candidates.

Hamish Marshall, the Conservative campaign manager, is often criticized by left-wing conspiracy theorists as being on the “far-right” for his past directorship with Ezra Levant’s Rebel News.

Despite this, a belief that the Conservative party is no longer a conservative party is a cornerstone of the PPC’s existence. Mansur says even in the weeks before his candidacy was disallowed by the CPC he had started to grow concerned about a number of decisions the party had made.

Chief among them was the Conservatives’ treatment of their own their own MP, Michael Cooper. Cooper was the vice-chair of the Standing Committee on Justice and Human Rights, but was booted from the post and had his words edited out of the official transcript after he rebuked a Muslim committee witness’ claims about conservatism being linked to violent killers.

“That gave me a sense that this party has lost whatever little remained of that blue Tory, small-c conservative (identity) with which I was associated,” Mansur says. “So I think the fair analysis is that I did not change. The party has changed. That is, the party under this leadership has changed. Hopefully a new leadership will bring it back.”

He thinks many of the Conservative members who backed Maxime Bernier in the 2017 leadership race will support the People’s party, though he’s aware that many will stay loyal to the Conservatives. This was a reality with which Mansur had to reckon even on his own campaign team.

“I said to my people in London that I am considering running for the PPC,” Mansur says of the period following his disqualification by the Conservatives. “I’m not going to allow the CPC to dictate my life and my politics. My friends who were with me in this campaign for the past 10 months, they made their decisions. Some decided to break away from me and remain loyal to the Conservative party and others chose to follow me and come with me and my campaign.”


The campaign has been far from uneventful. In the early days of his candidacy, Mansur’s son died in a car accident in British Columbia. Mansur learned this at the PPC’s convention in Ottawa, where he was due to give a speech.

His campaign signs have been vandalized, and his office windows broken.

And he was barred from an “all candidates” event at the London Muslim Mosque, where he used to pray.

The mosque hosted debates for the various London ridings’ election candidates, excluding from each one the local People’s party candidate. The reason, according to a mosque statement, is that the PPC “does not respect our religion and our people.”

“It is one thing to have differences of opinion on matters of foreign and domestic policy which go to the heart of the notion of democracy and why we have election campaigns. However, it is another thing entirely to show a complete lack of respect to an entire religion. And since our community has felt the wrath of Islamophobia and hate, we cannot give a platform to a party that cannot respect our faith or our people,” the statement said.

Call it a fitting twist for a man whose greatest frustration seems to be that no one wants to listen to what he sees as the pressing issues of our time.


Mansur relishes his status as a “public intellectual.” Through our conversations he often refers me to sections of his books. It’s not uncommon to feel as though you’ve wound up in an academic lecture while speaking with him. Like anyone who enters politics, he feels he has something to offer, though it doesn’t come from the opportunistic place it does for so many others. It’s clear Mansur has a heart for Canada – and is driven more by frustration than arrogance that his warnings about Islamism and globalism haven’t been heeded by the Conservatives.

Mansur is convinced that the Conservatives will not win the election. He hopes for a scenario in which the People’s party has enough members of parliament so as to be able to drive the agenda rather than the power going to the left-wing parties.

For the PPC to have success, Mansur says conservative voters need to get over what is at times an obsession with beating the Liberals.

“I think the bulk of the Conservative party members are obsessed with the idea that the priority for the country is to defeat Liberals,” he says. “That’s the compromise that they’re making. They’re bending or softening their position for the larger context that the Liberals have to be defeated, and that any sort of wavering on that issue will only weaken the coalition that makes up the CPC.”

He wants to see the Liberals defeated too, but notes that the People’s party is more concerned with what replaces the Liberals than the Conservatives are. If current trends keep up, Mansur says “you can kiss goodbye in our lifetime a conservative party forming a government in Canada.”

While he wants to be elected, he doesn’t see that as being essential for his campaign to be a success.

“I don’t see myself as a winner or loser,” he says. “I see myself as contributing to the conversation, and then it’s up to the people.”

Trudeau won’t let me cover his campaign. His ban is an attack on Canada’s free press.

First published in the Washington Post on October 2, 2019.

On Sept. 22, I showed up to cover one of Prime Minister Justin Trudeau’s campaign stops in a Toronto suburb on the first day of what was to be a week-long assignment to cover the Liberal campaign. But I wasn’t allowed to board the media bus that takes journalists from stop to stop. I was also barred from entering Trudeau’s press conference. The reason the Liberals provided is that I wasn’t “accredited.”

This was news to me. I’ve been accredited by the Canadian and British governments, by courts in Canada and the United Kingdom, and the Republican National Committee at various points in my career.

But this wasn’t the first time the Liberals had created roadblocks for my coverage.

The staff of Trudeau’s foreign minister, Chrystia Freeland, barred me and another conservative journalist from attending a newsconference of hers at the ironically named Global Conference for Media Freedom in London in July, for which I’d been accredited by the co-hosting Canadian and British foreign offices. Realizing the gross hypocrisy of this display, some journalists refused to attend themselves unless we were all permitted to attend. Finally, Freeland caved and we gained access.

Press freedom won. At least until now.

Despite several conversations with Trudeau’s secretary and director of communications, and even a direct request to Trudeau himself (from which he walked away without saying a word), I’m still not accredited. I’m relegated to covering the campaign from the sidewalk and finding my own way from whistle stop to whistle stop.

With a combination of last-minute flights, rental cars and far less sleep than is healthy, I followed the campaign for a week, basing my plan for the next day on the itinerary published by the Liberals in the evening.

This ended up being fraught with challenges. For starters, police pulled me over and detained me at roadside on the second day of my coverage wanting to know why I was “following everybody around,” despite the officer’s admission — which I filmed — that I hadn’t broken any laws.

The Liberals even had me removed by two police officers from a public rally —for which I had registered and been given an admission wristband — in a stunning overreach that the Liberals apologized for a day later.

At no point have the Liberals explained to me or anyone else what the standard for accreditation is. Just that I and my outlet, True North, don’t meet it.

True North is a start-up conservative news platform published by a registered charity with an investigative journalism mandate. I don’t hide my conservatism, though it’s ideological, not blindly partisan. I hosted a popular daily talk radio show until last year, and I’d often interview politicians of all stripes — including Trudeau, in fact — without issue.

By saying I’m not a journalist, which the Liberals are unilaterally doing, they’re not only undermining my career and credentials, but also press freedom more broadly. Governments and political parties cannot decide who gets to cover them without eroding the fundamental accountability a free press is meant to ensure.

This isn’t exclusively a Liberal problem. David Menzies, a journalist from Rebel News, was escorted by police from a Conservative news conference after party staffers told him he wasn’t accredited. The Conservatives have since said their position is to not accredit media organizations with a “history of political activism.”

This may come as a shock to Trudeau’s press team, but Canada has no centralized accreditation bureaucracy for journalists. Nor should any country whose constitution enshrines freedom of speech and of the press.

Anyone is entitled to practice journalism. That doesn’t mean anyone is capable of it, or even that anyone claiming to practice it is doing so with the standards it demands. But these are points for the industry and consumers to deal with — not politicians.

Politicians stand to lose the most by journalists covering them freely — so the media must swiftly and loudly condemn any effort to restrict access. I’ve received some support from my colleagues in media, though clearly not enough.

When a journalist’s rights are threatened, the rights of all journalists are. This display would be wrong from any political party in a Western democracy, but it’s particularly galling from Trudeau, who has extolled his commitment to media freedom to score political points against the Conservative party, which has historically been standoffish with the press.

“Freedom of the press is a fundamental right and must be defended everywhere in the world,” Trudeau tweeted in May.

I agree wholeheartedly. It’s a shame he, in reality, doesn’t.

I’ve been banned from attending Justin Trudeau’s campaign media events

First published at True North on September 23, 2019.

In most campaign media coverage, you’ll see Trudeau referred to as the Liberal leader, so as to avoid appearing to give him an edge based on incumbency. Irrespective of this convention, he is the prime minister. And I’m not allowed to cover announcements of what he’ll do if his party is given another mandate.

I learned this on Sunday when I showed up to a suburban home in Brampton, Ont. Trudeau announced a measure to cut cellphone bills in the house’s backyard. Or so I heard. I wasn’t actually there. Instead, I stood on the sidewalk and waited for it to end so I might get an opportunity to ask Trudeau a question, as the Liberals’ approved reporters were allowed to at the press conference.

I had intended to ask him about policy, though now the only question worth asking was why I was banned from covering his campaign. He shook my hand, presuming I was there as a supporter. He ignored my question about my campaign coverage.

Maybe he didn’t hear me.

I did get an answer from a party official – Trudeau’s press secretary on the campaign trail, Cameron Ahmad – who told me I was barred because I’m not with an “accredited” media outlet.

Ahmad knows me. I’ve corresponded with him numerous times over the years, and it was he who arranged an interview between Trudeau and I during the last campaign. At the risk of tooting my own horn, I hosted a daily talk radio show for five years and have written national columns in the Toronto Sun, the National Post and Global News. Despite being conservative, no one has ever accused me of being unprofessional, which is why I’ve interviewed people of all parties without issue – former Ontario premier Kathleen Wynne and numerous Liberal cabinet ministers included.

Despite this, Ahmad said I’m not engaged with an outlet that is “recognized” as being a journalism outfit. Recognized by whom, though? It’s not clear.

Journalists don’t require state permits in Canada. There is no centralized database or registry of people in media. Nor should there be, especially in an era of evolving media business models. Just because I don’t work for a corporate legacy outlet doesn’t mean I’m not doing real work.

Two subsequent interactions with Ahmad have revealed the Liberal party doesn’t really have a cohesive definition of “accredited” – just that True North, a digital outlet published by a charity registered with the federal government as having a mandate for journalism, doesn’t fit the bill.

This isn’t the first time I’ve been banned from a press conference. It happened in July at Global Conference for Media Freedom in the United Kingdom, co-hosted by Foreign Affairs Minister Chrystia Freeland and the Government of Canada. I was accredited to cover the conference – but hand-picked by Freeland’s staff, alongside Sheila Gunn Reid of the Rebel, to be excluded from Freeland’s press conference.

Reporters from all outlets who were invited stood firm and told Freeland’s office they’d boycott the press conference if Gunn Reid and I weren’t permitted to attend.

But on Sunday afternoon in Brampton, I was standing alone. The approved reporters were quickly ushered into the backyard, unaware that I was fighting for my right to report on the day’s events.

I hope they’ll take a stand for my cause today, though I haven’t heard anything yet.

I’m still assigned to cover the Trudeau campaign for True North. Though our requests to be invited onto the campaign’s media bus – despite our willingness to pay for it, as all outlets must – have been rebuffed for the same reason, a lack of accreditation.

This morning, I rented a car (a red one, coincidentally) in which I’ll follow the campaign bus and do what I can from the outside.

For a prime minister who talks about media freedom, this is just plain wrong. It’s also short-sighted. As I told the Liberals yesterday, by excluding me from access to the campaign, I’m left to cover my own exclusion.

Candice Malcolm and I have appealed our case to the Liberal Party of Canada’s director of communications at the request of the team on the tour. We’ve been directly and unequivocally told she will be in contact to work through whatever issues there are.

Government monitoring social media for posts critical of Trudeau’s immigration record

First published at True North on July 23, 2019.

Bureaucrats in Immigration, Refugees and Citizenship Canada were “monitoring” social media posts and Reddit threads for “misconceptions” about immigration last summer.

Internal emails obtained exclusively by True North under Access to Information reveal a team of 12 communications and social media staffers reporting and conducting “detailed analysis” on tweets posted not only by Conservative MP Michelle Rempel and People’s Party of Canada leader Maxime Bernier, but also ordinary Canadians.

The documents date to August 2018, when Bernier took aim at “extreme multiculturalism,” sparking a national discussion about manufactured diversity in Canada.

One of the key issues from the emails involved a Reddit thread discussing a Toronto Sun article about refugee housing at a Radisson hotel. The “social care” team lead with IRCC said in an email that the thread “had become bigoted in nature. The vast majority of popular comments were extremely negative in tone.”

 “The comments are unfavorable to the Prime Minister and government, and are also very un-sympathetic (sic) to those claiming asylum,” he wrote.

In another email in the chain, a staffer says her department will “continue to monitor” the Reddit thread, which is still online though closed for commenting by moderators in the r/Canada subreddit.

“The conversation provides some indication of public sentiment on housing asylum seekers,” the staffer wrote. “As discussed earlier, this underscores our advice to focus on numbers on the storyline and gives an indication of the types of misconceptions we might need to address going forward.”

She directed one colleague to share the information with the Privy Council Office, which is the bureaucratic wing of the Prime Minister’s Office. She also assigned someone to prepare notes to brief the deputy minister, the highest ranking bureaucrat in Canada’s immigration department.

The document also contains a two-page chart of tweets from Canadians critical of the government on immigration, labeled by whomever compiled them with descriptions such as “Condemnation of the Trudeau government” and “Commends (Maxime Bernier” for standing up for Canada/rails against diversity and irregular migration.”

All of the tweets tagged Bernier and the department’s official Twitter handle, the report noted. It’s not known how the government is storing or using the database of tweets it’s amassing through this “public environment scan.”

These emails prove the public service is monitoring private citizens’ social media comments critical of the government – and sharing them with the Privy Council Office.

They also show that Rempel’s and Bernier’s tweets about immigration last summer triggered enough backlash that the government needed a dozen people to work to address “misconceptions,” suggesting they believe anyone criticizing the government’s ham-fisted approach to running immigration by virtue signalling is wrong, and in need of a dose of the state narrative.

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